I applied the same analysis to infants of Black parents and infants with a Black mother and White father.
Not listing a father on the birth certificate had a strong association with outcomes, which might be a source of bias in existing data and a marker for identifying infants at risk. Despite great improvement in birth outcomes in the United States, significant and continuing differences persist across racial and ethnic groups.
The low-birthweight LBW; defined as a birthweight less than g rate of non-Hispanic Black infants has been steadily nearly double that of non-Hispanic White infants. These disparities are believed to result from complex interactions among genetic variations, social and environmental factors, and specific health behaviors.
Many studies have shown different patterns in socioeconomic characteristics between intermarriage and endogamous marriage in the United States. Status exchange hypothesizes that in a marriage market framework, minority men marry less-desired White women e. The second hypothesis, in-group preference, simply suggests that people prefer members from their own group, and thus, intermarriage is the less desirable scenario.
According to the National Center for Health Statistics NCHS natality files, between andthe proportion of infants born to 1 Black and 1 White parent increased gradually from 0. To date, only a few studies have examined birth outcomes of interracial infants, and all of these studies focused on Black and White mixed-race infants.
Together they found that mixed-race couples differed significantly with respect to their sociodemographic characteristics from the endogamous couples. After control for those variables, biracial infants were found to have worse birth outcomes than infants with 2 White parents but better than infants with 2 Black parents. However, these studies have several limitations.
First, they didn't examine groups other than Black and White race. Second, paternal information is often missing from natality data, especially for infants of Black mothers.
Although these infants are more likely to have adverse birth outcomes, 10 White parents black baby genetics 13 White parents black baby genetics are often omitted from studies.
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Third, none of these studies examined Apgar score a routine evaluation of the general physical condition of the newborn usually performed at 1 and 5 minutes after delivery as a birth outcome, although it has been repeatedly found to have strong predictive power for infant mortality. A potential concern regarding this approach is that it assumes covariates White parents black baby genetics the same effects coefficients on outcomes of interest across all racial combinations.
I investigated differences in birth outcomes i. The NCHS birth cohort data consists of all live births and all deaths from linked to the corresponding birth certificates. This data set has rich information on birth outcomes e. The analyzed data set was reduced in several ways.
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I excluded non-White mothers and twins from White parents black baby genetics main analysis. The original sample size i. Table 1 provides an overview of infants of mixed-race and same-race parents and offers some sense of why I chose to focus on White mothers only: California data were excluded from these analyses because maternal tobacco and alcohol use during pregnancy are important behavioral risk factors that were included as variables in this study but these were not reported on California birth certificates.
Because I focused on both maternal and paternal influence on birth outcomes and there is a high proportion of White parents black baby genetics fathers for Black and Mexican mothers, the primary analysis was of the singleton live births to White mothers. After restricting the data according to these criteria, 2 births in were available for analysis. Independent variables that were considered to be potential risk factors for birth outcomes based on previous studies included parental characteristics and behaviors and children's characteristics.
Previous research has shown nonlinear effects of parental age on infant outcomes 17 ; therefore, both maternal and paternal age were included and categorized into 3 groups: Maternal educational attainment has been shown to have a profound effect on number of births and risk of adverse birth outcomes 13 ; therefore, it was categorized into 3 groups: Because income data are not available in vital statistics records, maternal education was used as a proxy for socioeconomic status, as is common in studies that use data from vital statistics records.
Adequacy of prenatal care was coded according to standard methods to include the month prenatal care began, number of prenatal visits, and gestation period. Children's characteristics, including gestational age, gender, live birth order first, second, third, and abovewere included because female infants on average are smaller than male infants and previous research 20 has shown that first-born children have a higher risk of LBW.
Mother's nativity was included because previous studies have found that infants of US-born mothers are at higher risk of death. Outcomes of interest included birthweight, LBW rate, 5-minute Apgar score, and 1-year infant mortality.
I used propensity score analysis to adjust confounding factors across groups. Demographers have long discussed how to decompose the mean difference in the outcome variable between groups into the portion attributable to differences in the distribution of confounding variables and differences in the key explanatory variable of interest, 22 and propensity scoring is one available nonparametric method to achieve this goal.
A propensity score is a model-based predicted probability of an individual's membership in the reference group, given his or her covariates i. Rosenbaum and Rubin 23 demonstrated that the propensity score captures all White parents black baby genetics the variance in the covariates necessary for adjusting between-group comparisons to match 2 different groups on the basis of this single variable the propensity score.
I estimated the propensity scores using a nonparametric regression technique that minimizes imbalance in covariate distributions between groups, 24 then used the estimated propensity score to weight each individual infant in the comparison group e.
In this approach, an individual more similar to those in the reference group receives a higher propensity score and, thus, higher weight. This method creates a hypothetical group of study participants who are similar to the members in the reference group in terms of all characteristics other than actual group membership i.
The benefit of using propensity score weighting is that after White parents black baby genetics the empirical distribution of all other factors e.
For example, by weighting the White—White group, I could examine the birth outcomes of infants born to 2 White parents as though they had exactly the same demographic and socioeconomic characteristics as those born to a White mother and a Black father. All covariates had similar distributions in both groups as a result of the propensity score weighting, so any remaining difference in birth outcomes between groups i.
In this analysis, infants born to White mothers and Black fathers were the reference group because Blacks have long been the focus of birth-outcome disparity research, and all other racial combinations were comparison groups that were individually weighted to match the reference group.
For instance, infants born to a White mother and a White father were one of the comparison groups. White—White infants who had background covariates similar to those of White—Black infants received higher propensity scores and weights. Conversely, White—White infants who had White parents black baby genetics very dissimilar to those of White—Black infants received lower propensity scores and weights. The unreported paternal race group showed a large disparity between infants of Black mothers, Table 2 presents a summary of parental and children's characteristics obtained from birth certificates as part of NCHS.
These characteristics varied significantly between paternal groups, and the maternal characteristics for the group of unreported paternal race were the most adverse among all groups.
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White mothers in this group also had the riskiest behaviors during pregnancy: California data were excluded. The reference group was infants born to White mothers and Black fathers. Ellipses indicate that data are not applicable. Infants in the White—White group tended to have older parents. This group also had a low prevalence of tobacco and alcohol use during pregnancy. Infants in the White—Black and White—American Indian groups had several adverse maternal characteristics such as a lower percentage of college education and a higher rate of White parents black baby genetics use.
Maternal characteristics for White—American Indian infants included higher cigarette and alcohol consumption compared with other groups. Among White—Mexican and White—Puerto Rican infants, maternal characteristics were similar in parental characteristics except for tobacco and alcohol use. I speculated that the fact that White female partners of Hispanic men of different origins were different was, in part, because they were influenced by their male partners, taking smoking as an example.
In other words, the differences among White women probably reflected the differences among their partners. This was not a primary focus of my study, although it supports the argument that Hispanics of different origins are different in many ways, and therefore, in research, they should not be just labeled as Hispanic and be grouped together. Consistent with Table 1infants White parents black baby genetics the White—unreported group had the worst birth outcomes in each category.
Infants in the White—Black group, although they possessed slightly higher average birthweight than did infants in the White—Mexican and White—Puerto Rican groups, had higher rates of both LBW and infant mortality than any other group except White—unreported. The differences between infants in the White—White and White—Black groups can be seen in the mean birthweight gap of 70 g, the LBW rate gap of 1.
Table 3 presents the percentages for covariates of each weighted comparison group.
The joint distribution of covariates of each comparison group is identical to the joint distribution of the reference group's covariates. Each comparison group's covariates were no longer significantly different from those of the reference group. For White parents black baby genetics infant in each comparison group e. The propensity score estimation and weighting process were performed for each comparison group independently. Table 3 also presents infant outcomes for the White—Black group and weighted outcomes for the comparison groups.
When every comparison group's covariates were distributed in the same manner as the White—Black group, the average birthweight decreased and both LBW rate except in the White—American Indian group and infant mortality rate increased in every comparison group except for the White—unknown group, whose mortality rate decreased. The differences in outcomes between infants in the White—Black group and other groups except for the White—unknown group were no longer significant; for example, the difference between infants in the White—Black group and the weighted White—White group was only 7 g in birthweight and 0.
When the White—unknown group was matched with the White—Black group by covariates, the average birthweight increased by 65 g, from g to g, the LBW rate decreased from 8. The differences in birthweight and White parents black baby genetics rate remained statistically significant.
Table 4 shows that the estimated maternal effect was more than 3 times as large as the paternal effect in terms of birthweight, LBW rate, and 5-minute Apgar scores and almost that large for infant mortality rate. However, because of the high rate of unreported fathers for Black mothers, this is White parents black baby genetics rough assessment and not meant to be conclusive.
The Black—Black infant group was the reference group. The value in each cell presents the standardized coefficient of comparison between Black—Black and Black—White infant groups, and between Black—Black and White—Black infant groups, after I controlled for maternal, paternal, and infant characteristics, but covariates are not reported in the table.
The infants in the White—White group had the most-advantaged birth outcomes, followed by infants in the 3 Hispanic-father groups. Infants in the White—Black group had the second-most-disadvantaged birth outcomes; the differences in birth outcomes between White—Black and White—White infants were statistically significant: Infants in the White—unknown group had the most-disadvantaged outcomes in each category.
The use of maternal race to refer to infant's race in research has already been recognized as a potential source of problems. For example, Census included as many as 63 possible combinations of race. I also observed that White women with White partners were different in many ways from those with non-White partners. On the whole, the White—White group had the most advantaged parental and children's characteristics, whereas the White—Black and White—unknown groups had the most disadvantaged parental characteristics.
These patterns are consistent with previous studies of intermarriage in United States, such as Fu's study. The observed difference implies that, for providers and researchers, knowing male partners may help identify potential risks.
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These results showed that the disparities in birth outcomes among subgroups of White mothers can largely be attributed to nonracial parental characteristics. The small paternal racial effect on birth outcomes found here is a result, in large part, of the fact that mothers play a more important role than do fathers in the course of pregnancy, and therefore, mother's race and ethnicity has more influence on infant outcomes, as Table 4 shows.
interactions among genetic variations, social...
As discussed previously, the White— unknown group is a category of its own. With the most-disadvantaged covariates, we unsurprisingly found that this group's outcomes were the worst.
Even after we applied the propensity-score weighting to match the White—unknown group to the White—Black group, which improved all the covariates of the weighted White—unknown group to the same level of the White—Black group, the outcomes of White—unknown infants still remained significantly worse than those of other groups.
Further research is needed to investigate the reasons why the father's information is missing. In particular, we want to distinguish fathers just missing on birth certificates for some reason from those completely missing from the child's life.
This result confirms findings by Gould et al.
But this also explains why black parents can have a white child. The black parents have both light and dark genes, but because the dark genes are dominant. Sandra Laing was born black, but to white parents. Long before science learned to meddle with genes, there was Sandra Laing. She entered the world ina beautiful baby by all accounts, who could be expected to. We are all of us genetic mixtures to some extent and occasionally you'll In this way, white parents can also produce a black child, as in the.
I applied the same inquiry to infants of Hateful parents and infants with a Disgraceful mother and White originator.
Not listing a on the birth certificate had a strong group with outcomes, which power be a source of bias in existing information and a marker for the duration of identifying infants at jeopardy. Despite eximious improvement in birth outcomes in the United States, significant and continuing differences persist crossed racial and ethnic associations.
The low-birthweight LBW; defined as a birthweight without than g rate of non-Hispanic Boycott infants has been steadily nearly dishonest that of non-Hispanic Drained infants.
These disparities are believed to result from complex interactions among genetic variations, group and environmental factors, and specific constitution behaviors.
Tons studies must shown unusual patterns in socioeconomic characteristics between intermarriage and endogamous marriage in the In agreement States. Pre-eminence exchange hypothesizes that in a association market framework, minority men marry less-desired White women e. The second speculation, in-group liking, simply suggests that family prefer brothers from their own arrange, and event, intermarriage is the minor desirable floor plan.
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How should a woman act when she's interested in a guy? We are all of us genetic mixtures to some extent and occasionally you'll In this way, white parents can also produce a black child, as in the. Even though the genetics behind all of this are really poorly understood, there are lots of stories where white parents have black babies. In fact, one such story..
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This week, new parents Catherine and Richard were shocked to find their baby boy has totally Caucasian skin, and not a darker tone as expected.
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